开始的时候,我们以为我们什么都知道,但后来发现,事实是我们什么都不知道是麦克阿瑟说的吗
道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟 名言1、战争时胜利没有替代品。2、老兵永不死，只是渐凋零。3、军人嘛，迎接战争就像迎接每天升起的太阳一样。4、只有不怕死的人，才配活着。5、年龄让身体起皱，放弃让灵魂起皱。 6、开始的时候,我们以为我们什么都知道,但后来发现,事实是我们什么都不知道
是麦克阿瑟在朝鲜战场上说的 名言 http://baike.baidu.com/view/14513.htm#5
是麦克阿瑟在朝鲜战场上说的 名言 http://baike.baidu.com/view/14513.htm#5
麦克阿瑟与朝鲜战争说了句什么话？
如下： 1、“这大概只是一次武力侦查，对付这点小事对我来说真是小菜一碟。” 2、“给我两个师我就能守住朝鲜。” 3、“人民军一见到我们，就会狼狈逃窜。” 4、“上帝安排美国人是胜利者，亚洲人是打不过美国人的，可能亚洲人腿短。” 5、“中国人是亚洲人的思维，他们是懦弱的。他们敢过江，我就会让他们遭到人类历史上最大的屠杀。” 道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟（英文：Douglas MacArthur，1880年1月26日—1964年4月5日），出生在美国阿肯色州小石城，美国军事家、政治家。 1899年，麦克阿瑟考入西点军校。第一次世界大战期间晋升为上校并前往法国参战。1919年6月，被任命为西点军校校长。第二次世界大战时期历任美国远东军司令，西南太平洋战区盟军司令。1944年麦克阿瑟被授予陆军五星上将。 二战后出任驻日盟军最高司令，对日本实行了一系列改革。之后出任“联合国军”总司令。1952年，参与美国共和党总统初选，但未胜出。1964年4月5日，麦克阿瑟因胆结石去世，享年84岁。
阿瑟·麦克阿瑟名言
阿瑟·麦克阿瑟名言： 1、年龄让身体起皱，放弃让灵魂起皱。 2、只有不怕死的人才配活着。 3、有绝妙的计划，必须不遗余力地实施，而且今天就做。 4、不想当将军的士兵不是好士兵。 5、今天标志我对你们的最后一次点名。但我希望你们知道，当我死去时，我最后自然想到的一定是你们这支部队——这支部队——这支部队。 6、没有必胜的信念，则战争必败无疑。 7、青春不是生命的一个阶段，而是生命的一种境界！ 8、历史，不过是伟大人物的传记。 9、若无必胜的信心，则战争必败无疑。 10、只有不怕死的人，才配活着。 11、石头是坚硬的，但比它更坚硬的是人崇高的意志，它受到理想的指引，它能征服和铸造最坚硬的顽石。
那个将军的说过.不要攻打莫斯科和不要跟中国陆军打地面战争?
朝鲜战争前，美国帅哥将军麦克阿瑟说过：“东方人是很狡猾的，他们黑色的小眼睛里总是有一种嘲弄对方的神情。他们喜欢吹嘘自己的强大以便让对手做噩梦。” 他动辄压制批评他的人，斥责他们根本‘不懂得东方人的思想’”。麦克阿瑟是懂得他眼睛中长期存在的那种东方人的。他有充分根据藐视懦弱的中国人的言辞，因为即使赤色中国真的愚蠢地出兵，那将只是为他们创造了回到石器时代的机会。 有一次麦克阿瑟对陪同他的李承晚说：“上帝安排美国人是胜利者，亚洲人是打不过美国人的，可能亚洲人腿短。”他忘了李承晚也是亚洲人。说得李承晚把两条短腿一抽搐。 他对中国军人不屑一顾：“中国人是亚洲人的思维，他们是懦弱的。他们敢过江我就用飞机炸平他们，我想他们应该想到，对手是美国，指挥官是麦克阿瑟五星上将。” 在麦克阿瑟眼里，在智力、精神、体质、心灵等等的一切方面，中国人本质上是低下的、奴性的、胆怯的、虚弱的、自私的。当每一个黄脸的中国人面对着西方人时，他都背负着这样的民族国家的命运给他烙下的这个先天判断，想把自己个人和民族分割开来的一切努力都是可笑的。 数百年里第一次为我们每一中国人抹去了那种黑色胎记的，是那些藐视一切、胆大妄为、勇往直前的志愿军将士。是他们证明了懂得东方人的麦克阿瑟们不懂得东方人。他们用包括三八大盖在内的简易武器，把二战胜利者，武装到牙齿的美军一路赶过三八线。 这是事后志愿军对麦帅哥手下的美军的总结：“美国士兵在被切断后路时，会丢弃所有的重武器，扔得到处都是，而且还装死。他们的步兵缺乏战斗力，胆小怕死，不具备进攻和防御的胆略。他们在前进时如果听见枪声，便会退缩不前。他们只能在白天打仗。他们不习惯夜战和白刃战。如果他们战败，便会溃不成军，如果他们没有炮火支援，就会不知所措。当补给停止时，步兵便会完全丧失斗志。” 后来接替被杜鲁门炒鱿鱼的麦帅哥的李奇微承认：“要不是我们拥有强大的火力，经常得到近距离空中支援，并且牢牢地控制着海域，中国人可能已经把我们压垮了。” 后来到了六十年代，中国和印度在喜玛拉雅山交火时,帅哥将军麦克阿瑟说出了一句名言:“谁要想跟中国陆军打仗,那他简直就是有病!” 这说明麦帅哥的世界观在实践中得到了改造。
费解...中国和印度在喜玛拉雅山交火时，前美国远东军司令麦克阿瑟说："谁想 跟中国陆军打仗，一定有病。"这位在二战中打得极为漂亮、解放了亚洲许多国家的" 远东王"是在朝鲜战争中得到这个经验的。
蒙哥马利说的，英国将军。
好像是 二战的巴顿将军吧， 貌似听历史老师吹过
蒙哥马利元帅~
费解...中国和印度在喜玛拉雅山交火时，前美国远东军司令麦克阿瑟说："谁想 跟中国陆军打仗，一定有病。"这位在二战中打得极为漂亮、解放了亚洲许多国家的" 远东王"是在朝鲜战争中得到这个经验的。
蒙哥马利说的，英国将军。
好像是 二战的巴顿将军吧， 貌似听历史老师吹过
蒙哥马利元帅~
我想要麦克阿瑟的《老兵不死》全文。
全文： 我怀着十分谦卑而又骄傲的心情站在这演讲台上。 我谦卑，是因为在我之前，许多美国历史上伟大的建设者们都曾经在这里发过言；我骄傲，是因为今天我们的立法辩论代表了经深思的人类解放最纯粹形式。这是整个人类进程中的希望、热情和信仰的集中体现。 我并不是作为任何一个党派的拥护者站在这里讲话的，因为这些问题太重要，以至都超越了党派的界线。如果要证实我们的动机是是正确的，如果要保障我们的将来，制定关于国家利益的最高纲领时就必须考虑到它们。 我相信，当我说完我仅仅是为了陈述经深思熟虑而得出的一个普通美国公民的观点之后，你们会公平地接受它。在我生命将逝之年做这个告别演说，无仇无怨。在我心中只有一个目的：为我的祖国服务。 这些问题是全球性的，而且环环相扣，任何的顾此失彼做法都会使整体造成灾难。亚洲被普遍认为是通往欧洲的门户，同样的，欧洲也是通往亚洲的大门，二者是息息相关的。 有人认为我们的力量不足以同时保住两个阵地，因为我们不能分散我们的力量。我想，这是我听到的最悲观的失败主义论调了。如果我们潜在的敌人能够把他的力量分在两条线上，那我们就必须与之抗衡…… 出处：出自美国麦克阿瑟的《老兵不死》。 扩展资料： 人物简介： 道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟（英文：Douglas MacArthur，1880年1月26日—1964年4月5日），出生在美国阿肯色州小石城，美国军事家、政治家。 1899年，麦克阿瑟考入西点军校。第一次世界大战期间晋升为上校并前往法国参战。 [1] 1919年6月，被任命为西点军校校长。 第二次世界大战时期历任美国远东军司令，西南太平洋战区盟军司令。1944年麦克阿瑟被授予陆军五星上将。二战后出任驻日盟军最高司令和“联合国军”总司令等职。1964年4月5日，麦克阿瑟因胆结石去世。 麦克阿瑟因在菲律宾战役中的表现获颁荣誉勋章，和父亲小阿瑟·麦克阿瑟是史上第一对同时获得荣誉勋章的父子。麦克阿瑟是美国陆海空三军中获得勋章最多的将军，也是美国将军中唯一一个参加过第一次世界大战，第二次世界大战和朝鲜战争的人。 麦克阿瑟是美国最年轻的准将、西点军校最年轻的校长、美国陆军历史上最年轻的陆军参谋长。麦克阿瑟被美国国民称之为“一代老兵”。 参考资料来源：百度百科-道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟
麦克阿瑟《老兵不死》中文版 今天早晨，当我走出旅馆时，看门人问道："将军，您上哪去?"一听说我要去西点，他说："那是个好地方，您从前去过吗?" 这样的荣誉是没有人不深受感动的。长期以来，我从事这个职业，又如此热爱这个民族，能获得这样的荣誉简直使我无法表达我的感情。然而，这种奖赏主要并不意味着对个人的尊崇，而是象征一个伟大的道德准则——捍卫这块可爱土地上的文化与古老传统的那些人的行为与品质的准则。这就是这个大奖章的意义。无论现在还是将来，它都是美国军人道德标准的一种体现。我一定要遵循这个标准，结合崇高的理想，唤起自豪感，同时始终保持谦虚…… 责任一荣誉一国家。这三个神圣的名词庄严地提醒你应该成为怎样的人，可能成为怎样的人，一定要成为怎样的人。它们将使你精神振奋，在你似乎丧失勇气时鼓起勇气，似乎没有理由相信时重建信念，几乎绝望时产生希望。遗憾得很，我既没有雄辩的词令、诗意的想象，也没有华丽的隐喻向你们说明它们的意义。怀疑者一定要说它们只不过是几个名词，一句口号，一个浮夸的短词。每一个迂腐的学究，每一个蛊惑人心的政客，每一个玩世不恭的人，每一个伪君子，每一个惹是生非之徒，很遗憾，还有其他个性不甚正常的人，一定企图贬低它们，甚至对它们进行愚弄和嘲笑。 但这些名词确能做到：塑造你的基本特性，使你将来成为国防卫士；使你坚强起来，认清自己的懦弱，并勇敢地面对自己的胆怯。它们教导你在失败时要自尊，要不屈不挠；胜利时要谦和，不要以言语代替行动，不要贪图舒适；要面对重压和困难，勇敢地接受挑战；要学会巍然屹立于风浪之中，但对遇难者要寄予同情；要先律己而后律人；要有纯洁的心灵和崇高的目标；要学会笑，但不要忘记怎么哭；要向往未来，但不可忽略过去；要为人持重，但不可过于严肃；要谦虚，铭记真正伟大的纯朴，真正智慧的虚心，真正强大的温顺。它们赋予你意志的韧性，想象的质量，感情的活力，从生命的深处焕发精神，以勇敢的姿态克服胆怯，甘于冒险而不贪图安逸。它们在你们心中创造奇妙的意想不到的希望，以及生命的灵感与欢乐。它们就是以这种方式教导你们成为军人和君子。 你所率领的是哪一类士兵?他可靠吗?勇敢吗?他有能力赢得胜利吗?他的故事你全都熟悉，那是一个美国士兵的故事。我对他的估价是多年前在战场上形成的，至今没有改变。那时，我把他看作是世界上最高尚的人；现在，我仍然这样看他。他不仅是一个军事品德最优秀的人，而且也是一个最纯洁的人。他的名字与威望是每一个美国公民的骄傲。在青壮年时期，他献出了一切人类所赋予的爱情与忠贞。他不需要我及其他人的颂扬，因为他已用自己的鲜血在敌人的胸前谱写了自传。可是，当我想到他在灾难中的坚忍，在战火里的勇气，在胜利时的谦虚，我满怀的赞美之情不禁油然而升。他在历史上已成为一位成功爱国者的伟大典范；他在未来将成为子孙认识解放与自由的教导者；现在，他把美德与成就献给我们。在数十次战役中，在上百个战场上，在成千堆营火旁，我亲眼目睹他坚韧不拔的不朽精神，热爱祖国的自我克制以及不可战胜的坚定决心，这些已经把他的形象铭刻在他的人民心中。从世界的这一端到另一端，他已经深深地为那勇敢的美酒所陶醉。 当我听到合唱队唱的这些歌曲，我记忆的目光看到第一次世界大战中步履蹒跚的小分队，从湿淋淋的黄昏到细雨蒙蒙的黎明，在透湿的背包的重负下疲惫不堪地行军，沉重的脚踝深深地踏在炮弹轰震过的泥泞路上，与敌人进行你死我活的战斗。他们嘴唇发青，浑身污泥，在风雨中战抖着，从家里被赶到敌人面前，许多人还被赶到上帝的审判席上。我不了解他们生得高贵，可我知道他们死得光荣。他们从不犹豫，毫无怨恨，满怀信心，嘴边叨念着继续战斗，直到看到胜利的希望才合上双眼。这一切都是为了它们——责任一荣誉一国家。当我们瞒珊在寻找光明与真理的道路上时，他们一直在流血、挥汗、洒泪。 20年以后，在世界的另一边，他们又面对着黑黝黝肮脏的散兵坑、阴森森恶臭的战壕、湿淋淋污浊的坑道，还有那酷热的火辣辣的阳光、疾风狂暴的倾盆大雨、荒无人烟的丛林小道。他们忍受着与亲人长期分离的痛苦煎熬、热带疾病的猖獗蔓延、兵桌要地区的恐怖情景。他们坚定果敢的防御，他们迅速准确的攻击，他们不屈挠的目的，他们全面彻底的胜利——永恒的胜利——永远伴随着他们最后在血泊中的战斗。在战斗中，那些苍白憔悴的人们的目光始终庄严地跟随着责任一荣誉一国家的口号。 这几个名词包合着最高的道德准则，并将经受任何为提高人类道德水准而传播的伦理或哲学的检验。它所提倡的是正确的事物，它所制止的是谬误的东西。高于众人之上的战士要履行宗教修炼的最伟大行为——牺牲。在战斗中，面对着危险与死亡，他显示出造物主按照自己意愿创造人类时所赋予的品质。只有神明能帮助他、支持他，这是任何肉体的勇敢与动物的本能都代替不了的。无论战争如何恐怖，召之即来的战士准备为国捐躯是人类最崇高的进化。 现在，你们面临着一个新世界——一个变革中的世界。人造卫星进入星际空间。卫星与导弹标志着人类漫长的历史进入了另一个时代——太空时代。自然科学告诉我们，在50亿年或更长的时期中，地球形成了；300万年或更长的时期中，人类形成了；人类历史还不曾有过一次更巨大、更令人惊讶的进化。我们不单要从现在这个世界，而且要从无法估算的距离，从神秘莫测的宇宙来论述事物。我们正在认识一个崭新的无边无际的世界。我们谈论着不可思议的话题：控制宇宙的能源；让风力与潮汐为我们所用；创造空前的合成物质以补充甚至代替古老的基本物质；净化海水以供我们饮用；开发海底以作为财富与食品的新基地；预防疾病以使寿命延长几百岁；调节空气以使冷热、晴雨分布均衡；登月宇宙飞船；战争中的主要目标不仅限于敌人的武装力量，也包括其平民；切结起来的人类与某些星系行星的恶势力的最根本矛盾；使生命成为有史以来最扣人心弦的那些梦境与幻想。 为了迎接所有这些巨大的变化与发展，你们的任务将变得更加坚定而不可侵犯，那就是赢得我们战争的胜利。你们的职业要求你们在这个生死关头勇于献身，此外别无所求。其余的一切公共目的、公共计划、公共需求，无论大小，都可以寻找其他办法去完成；而你们就是受训参加战斗的，你们的职业就是战斗——决心取胜。在战争中最明确的目标就是为了胜利，这是任何东西都代替不了的。假如你失败了，国家就要遭到破坏，因此，你的职业唯一要遵循的就是责任一荣誉一国家。其他人将纠缠于分散人们思想的国内外问题的争论，可是你将安详、宁静地屹立在远处，作为国家的卫士，作为国际矛盾怒潮中的救生员，作为硝烟弥漫的竞技场上的格斗士。一个半世纪以来，你们曾经防御、守卫、保护着解放与自由、权利与正义的神圣传统。让平民百姓去辩论我们政府的功过：我们的国力是否因长期财政赤字而衰竭，联邦的家长式传统是否势力过大，权力集团是否过于骄横自大，政治是否过于腐败，犯罪是否过于猖獗，道德标准是否降得太低，捐税是否提得太高，极端分子是否过于偏激，我们个人的自由是否像应有的那样完全彻底。这些重大的国家问题与你们的职业毫不相干，也无需使用军事手段来解决。你们的路标——责任一荣誉一国家，比夜里的灯塔要亮十倍。 你们是联系我国防御系统全部机构的纽带。当战争警钟敲响时，从你们的队伍中将涌现出手操国家命运的伟大军官。还从来没有人打败过我们。假如你也是这样，上百万身穿橄榄色、棕色、蓝色和灰色制服的灵魂将从他们的白色十字架下站起来，以雷霆般的声音喊出那神奇的口号——责任一荣誉一国家。 这并不意味着你们是战争贩子。相反，高于众人之上的战士祈求和平，因为他忍受着战争最深刻的伤痛与疮疤。可是，我们的耳边经常响起那位大智大慧的哲学之父柏拉图的警世之言："只有死者才能看到战争的终结。" 我的生命已近黄昏，暮色已经降临，我昔日的风采和荣誉已经消失。它们随着对昔日事业的憧憬，带着那余晖消失了。昔日的记忆奇妙而美好，浸透了眼泪和昨日微笑的安慰和抚爱。我尽力但徒然地倾听，渴望听到军号吹奏起床导对那微弱而迷人的旋律，以及远处战鼓急促敲击的动人节奏。 我在梦幻中依稀又听到了大炮在轰鸣，又听到了滑膛枪在鸣放，又听到了战场上那陌生、哀愁的呻吟。 然而，晚年的回忆经常将我带回到西点军校。我的耳旁回响着，反复回响着：责任，荣誉，国家。 今天是我同你们进行的最后一次点名。但我愿你们知道，当我到达彼岸时，我最后想的是学员队，学员队，还是学员队。 我向大家告别。英文版的General Macarthur Speech "Old soldiers never die they just fade away"Mr. President, Mr. Speaker and distinguished members of the Congress:I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride - humility in the wake of those great architects of our history who have stood here before me, pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan considerations. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The issues are global, and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector oblivious to those of another is to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his efforts. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You cannot appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia...While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision, from a military standpoint, proved a sound one.As I say, it proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy. Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw it, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary --(1) The intensification of our economic blockade against China.(2) The imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast.(3) Removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal area and of Manchuria.(4) Removal of restrictions on the forces of the republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the Chinese mainland.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and to bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and Allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements, but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese force of some six hundred thousand men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and at an approximate area where our supply-line advantages were in balance with the supply-line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized his full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said in effect that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth.I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes.Indeed, on the second day of September, 1945, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows: "Men since the beginning of time have sought peace. Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful."Military alliances, balances of power, leagues of nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. We have had our last chance. If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, our Armageddon will be at our door. The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence, an improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past two thousand years. It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh." But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end. War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who for varying reasons would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement had led to more than a sham peace.Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only alternative. Why, my soldiers asked of me, surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field? I could not answer.Some may say to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China. Others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a worldwide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description. They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific."I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety. Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.I am closing my fifty-two years of military service. When I joined the army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barracks ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that old soldiers never die; they just fade away. And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty. Good-by.
麦克阿瑟《老兵不死》中文版 今天早晨，当我走出旅馆时，看门人问道："将军，您上哪去?"一听说我要去西点，他说："那是个好地方，您从前去过吗?" 这样的荣誉是没有人不深受感动的。长期以来，我从事这个职业，又如此热爱这个民族，能获得这样的荣誉简直使我无法表达我的感情。然而，这种奖赏主要并不意味着对个人的尊崇，而是象征一个伟大的道德准则——捍卫这块可爱土地上的文化与古老传统的那些人的行为与品质的准则。这就是这个大奖章的意义。无论现在还是将来，它都是美国军人道德标准的一种体现。我一定要遵循这个标准，结合崇高的理想，唤起自豪感，同时始终保持谦虚…… 责任一荣誉一国家。这三个神圣的名词庄严地提醒你应该成为怎样的人，可能成为怎样的人，一定要成为怎样的人。它们将使你精神振奋，在你似乎丧失勇气时鼓起勇气，似乎没有理由相信时重建信念，几乎绝望时产生希望。遗憾得很，我既没有雄辩的词令、诗意的想象，也没有华丽的隐喻向你们说明它们的意义。怀疑者一定要说它们只不过是几个名词，一句口号，一个浮夸的短词。每一个迂腐的学究，每一个蛊惑人心的政客，每一个玩世不恭的人，每一个伪君子，每一个惹是生非之徒，很遗憾，还有其他个性不甚正常的人，一定企图贬低它们，甚至对它们进行愚弄和嘲笑。 但这些名词确能做到：塑造你的基本特性，使你将来成为国防卫士；使你坚强起来，认清自己的懦弱，并勇敢地面对自己的胆怯。它们教导你在失败时要自尊，要不屈不挠；胜利时要谦和，不要以言语代替行动，不要贪图舒适；要面对重压和困难，勇敢地接受挑战；要学会巍然屹立于风浪之中，但对遇难者要寄予同情；要先律己而后律人；要有纯洁的心灵和崇高的目标；要学会笑，但不要忘记怎么哭；要向往未来，但不可忽略过去；要为人持重，但不可过于严肃；要谦虚，铭记真正伟大的纯朴，真正智慧的虚心，真正强大的温顺。它们赋予你意志的韧性，想象的质量，感情的活力，从生命的深处焕发精神，以勇敢的姿态克服胆怯，甘于冒险而不贪图安逸。它们在你们心中创造奇妙的意想不到的希望，以及生命的灵感与欢乐。它们就是以这种方式教导你们成为军人和君子。 你所率领的是哪一类士兵?他可靠吗?勇敢吗?他有能力赢得胜利吗?他的故事你全都熟悉，那是一个美国士兵的故事。我对他的估价是多年前在战场上形成的，至今没有改变。那时，我把他看作是世界上最高尚的人；现在，我仍然这样看他。他不仅是一个军事品德最优秀的人，而且也是一个最纯洁的人。他的名字与威望是每一个美国公民的骄傲。在青壮年时期，他献出了一切人类所赋予的爱情与忠贞。他不需要我及其他人的颂扬，因为他已用自己的鲜血在敌人的胸前谱写了自传。可是，当我想到他在灾难中的坚忍，在战火里的勇气，在胜利时的谦虚，我满怀的赞美之情不禁油然而升。他在历史上已成为一位成功爱国者的伟大典范；他在未来将成为子孙认识解放与自由的教导者；现在，他把美德与成就献给我们。在数十次战役中，在上百个战场上，在成千堆营火旁，我亲眼目睹他坚韧不拔的不朽精神，热爱祖国的自我克制以及不可战胜的坚定决心，这些已经把他的形象铭刻在他的人民心中。从世界的这一端到另一端，他已经深深地为那勇敢的美酒所陶醉。 当我听到合唱队唱的这些歌曲，我记忆的目光看到第一次世界大战中步履蹒跚的小分队，从湿淋淋的黄昏到细雨蒙蒙的黎明，在透湿的背包的重负下疲惫不堪地行军，沉重的脚踝深深地踏在炮弹轰震过的泥泞路上，与敌人进行你死我活的战斗。他们嘴唇发青，浑身污泥，在风雨中战抖着，从家里被赶到敌人面前，许多人还被赶到上帝的审判席上。我不了解他们生得高贵，可我知道他们死得光荣。他们从不犹豫，毫无怨恨，满怀信心，嘴边叨念着继续战斗，直到看到胜利的希望才合上双眼。这一切都是为了它们——责任一荣誉一国家。当我们瞒珊在寻找光明与真理的道路上时，他们一直在流血、挥汗、洒泪。 20年以后，在世界的另一边，他们又面对着黑黝黝肮脏的散兵坑、阴森森恶臭的战壕、湿淋淋污浊的坑道，还有那酷热的火辣辣的阳光、疾风狂暴的倾盆大雨、荒无人烟的丛林小道。他们忍受着与亲人长期分离的痛苦煎熬、热带疾病的猖獗蔓延、兵桌要地区的恐怖情景。他们坚定果敢的防御，他们迅速准确的攻击，他们不屈挠的目的，他们全面彻底的胜利——永恒的胜利——永远伴随着他们最后在血泊中的战斗。在战斗中，那些苍白憔悴的人们的目光始终庄严地跟随着责任一荣誉一国家的口号。 这几个名词包合着最高的道德准则，并将经受任何为提高人类道德水准而传播的伦理或哲学的检验。它所提倡的是正确的事物，它所制止的是谬误的东西。高于众人之上的战士要履行宗教修炼的最伟大行为——牺牲。在战斗中，面对着危险与死亡，他显示出造物主按照自己意愿创造人类时所赋予的品质。只有神明能帮助他、支持他，这是任何肉体的勇敢与动物的本能都代替不了的。无论战争如何恐怖，召之即来的战士准备为国捐躯是人类最崇高的进化。 现在，你们面临着一个新世界——一个变革中的世界。人造卫星进入星际空间。卫星与导弹标志着人类漫长的历史进入了另一个时代——太空时代。自然科学告诉我们，在50亿年或更长的时期中，地球形成了；300万年或更长的时期中，人类形成了；人类历史还不曾有过一次更巨大、更令人惊讶的进化。我们不单要从现在这个世界，而且要从无法估算的距离，从神秘莫测的宇宙来论述事物。我们正在认识一个崭新的无边无际的世界。我们谈论着不可思议的话题：控制宇宙的能源；让风力与潮汐为我们所用；创造空前的合成物质以补充甚至代替古老的基本物质；净化海水以供我们饮用；开发海底以作为财富与食品的新基地；预防疾病以使寿命延长几百岁；调节空气以使冷热、晴雨分布均衡；登月宇宙飞船；战争中的主要目标不仅限于敌人的武装力量，也包括其平民；切结起来的人类与某些星系行星的恶势力的最根本矛盾；使生命成为有史以来最扣人心弦的那些梦境与幻想。 为了迎接所有这些巨大的变化与发展，你们的任务将变得更加坚定而不可侵犯，那就是赢得我们战争的胜利。你们的职业要求你们在这个生死关头勇于献身，此外别无所求。其余的一切公共目的、公共计划、公共需求，无论大小，都可以寻找其他办法去完成；而你们就是受训参加战斗的，你们的职业就是战斗——决心取胜。在战争中最明确的目标就是为了胜利，这是任何东西都代替不了的。假如你失败了，国家就要遭到破坏，因此，你的职业唯一要遵循的就是责任一荣誉一国家。其他人将纠缠于分散人们思想的国内外问题的争论，可是你将安详、宁静地屹立在远处，作为国家的卫士，作为国际矛盾怒潮中的救生员，作为硝烟弥漫的竞技场上的格斗士。一个半世纪以来，你们曾经防御、守卫、保护着解放与自由、权利与正义的神圣传统。让平民百姓去辩论我们政府的功过：我们的国力是否因长期财政赤字而衰竭，联邦的家长式传统是否势力过大，权力集团是否过于骄横自大，政治是否过于腐败，犯罪是否过于猖獗，道德标准是否降得太低，捐税是否提得太高，极端分子是否过于偏激，我们个人的自由是否像应有的那样完全彻底。这些重大的国家问题与你们的职业毫不相干，也无需使用军事手段来解决。你们的路标——责任一荣誉一国家，比夜里的灯塔要亮十倍。 你们是联系我国防御系统全部机构的纽带。当战争警钟敲响时，从你们的队伍中将涌现出手操国家命运的伟大军官。还从来没有人打败过我们。假如你也是这样，上百万身穿橄榄色、棕色、蓝色和灰色制服的灵魂将从他们的白色十字架下站起来，以雷霆般的声音喊出那神奇的口号——责任一荣誉一国家。 这并不意味着你们是战争贩子。相反，高于众人之上的战士祈求和平，因为他忍受着战争最深刻的伤痛与疮疤。可是，我们的耳边经常响起那位大智大慧的哲学之父柏拉图的警世之言："只有死者才能看到战争的终结。" 我的生命已近黄昏，暮色已经降临，我昔日的风采和荣誉已经消失。它们随着对昔日事业的憧憬，带着那余晖消失了。昔日的记忆奇妙而美好，浸透了眼泪和昨日微笑的安慰和抚爱。我尽力但徒然地倾听，渴望听到军号吹奏起床导对那微弱而迷人的旋律，以及远处战鼓急促敲击的动人节奏。 我在梦幻中依稀又听到了大炮在轰鸣，又听到了滑膛枪在鸣放，又听到了战场上那陌生、哀愁的呻吟。 然而，晚年的回忆经常将我带回到西点军校。我的耳旁回响着，反复回响着：责任，荣誉，国家。 今天是我同你们进行的最后一次点名。但我愿你们知道，当我到达彼岸时，我最后想的是学员队，学员队，还是学员队。 我向大家告别。英文版的General Macarthur Speech "Old soldiers never die they just fade away"Mr. President, Mr. Speaker and distinguished members of the Congress:I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride - humility in the wake of those great architects of our history who have stood here before me, pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan considerations. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The issues are global, and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector oblivious to those of another is to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his efforts. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You cannot appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia...While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision, from a military standpoint, proved a sound one.As I say, it proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy. Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw it, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary --(1) The intensification of our economic blockade against China.(2) The imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast.(3) Removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal area and of Manchuria.(4) Removal of restrictions on the forces of the republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the Chinese mainland.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and to bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and Allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements, but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese force of some six hundred thousand men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and at an approximate area where our supply-line advantages were in balance with the supply-line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized his full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said in effect that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth.I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes.Indeed, on the second day of September, 1945, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows: "Men since the beginning of time have sought peace. Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful."Military alliances, balances of power, leagues of nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. We have had our last chance. If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, our Armageddon will be at our door. The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence, an improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past two thousand years. It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh." But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end. War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who for varying reasons would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement had led to more than a sham peace.Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only alternative. Why, my soldiers asked of me, surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field? I could not answer.Some may say to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China. Others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a worldwide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description. They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific."I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety. Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.I am closing my fifty-two years of military service. When I joined the army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barracks ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that old soldiers never die; they just fade away. And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty. Good-by.
